Lawfare · Follow the money · September 21, 2026

Who is paying for
the lawsuit against you?

Third-party litigation funding is a multibillion-dollar asset class with no federal regulator, no federal disclosure rule, and at least one sovereign wealth fund among its owners. Most of it finances ordinary commercial claims. Some of it finances the suits on our docket. This page explains the market, the players, the twelve-year disclosure fight, and why a coalition for the First Amendment cares who signs the checks.

The market · Why speech · Who controls the case · Sovereign money · The disclosure fight · Abroad · The other side

Editorial ink illustration: a brass balance scale hanging from a chain; one pan is weighed down by bundled banknotes and a money sack tied with red cord, the other, lifted high, holds a single quill and a folded newspaper; courthouse steps behind.
Illustration for Restore the First. Ink on paper.

The market, from primary sources

GAO Dec 2022

Congress asked the Government Accountability Office to describe the industry. Its answer: third-party litigation financing is “not regulated under federal law,” there is no nationwide disclosure requirement, commercial deals are “typically millions” of dollars each, and funders raise capital from endowments and pension funds. GAO-23-105210 ↗

+23% 2025

Westfleet Advisors, the industry’s own data house, counted 39 active funders in the U.S. commercial market in 2025 and a 23% rebound in new capital commitments after two years of contraction. Patent litigation took 27% of commitments. Reporting on the same release put the total at $2.8 billion in new deals. Westfleet Insider 2025 ↗ · Risk & Insurance ↗

AUM withheld

For the first time, Westfleet declined to publish an industry-wide assets-under-management estimate, saying AUM figures “have been frequently misunderstood or mischaracterized in public policy debates regarding litigation finance.” The largest listed funder, Burford Capital, reported $3.2 billion in AUM at year-end 2025 and a 39% increase in new commitments. Burford FY2025 ↗

Three things the numbers do not capture. First, Westfleet counts only commercial funding through funders that report; a billionaire paying a friend’s legal bills appears nowhere. Second, most funding is legitimate and pro-plaintiff in the ordinary sense. Third, the entire dataset is voluntary. No court in the United States is entitled to know any of it unless a judge, case by case, orders it.

Why a speech coalition cares

The funder who profits from a verdict is an investor. The funder who profits from your silence is something else.

Ordinary litigation finance is aligned with the plaintiff: the funder wants a large, fast recovery. Funding a suit against a speaker can be aligned with something different — the defendant’s exhaustion. The verdict is optional. That distinction is the whole reason disclosure matters in speech cases, and it was made most clearly by the one funder who chose to reveal himself.

  • Mar 2016
    A Florida jury awards Hulk Hogan (Terry Bollea) $140 million against Gawker Media for publishing a sex tape excerpt. First Amendment Watch ↗
  • May 25, 2016
    Peter Thiel confirms he paid $10 million to finance Hogan’s suit and others against Gawker, a company that had outed him in 2007. His words: “It’s less about revenge and more about specific deterrence.” TIME ↗ · Guardian ↗
  • Nov 2, 2016
    Gawker, in bankruptcy, settles for $31 million. Gawker.com has already been shut down. Guardian ↗
  • 2017
    Professor Lili Levi (Miami) publishes The Weaponized Lawsuit Against the Media: Litigation Funding as a New Threat to Journalism. Her proposals: judicial discretion to order disclosure of third-party funding in discovery; waiver or reduction of appeal bonds that make verdicts against the press effectively unappealable; and a possible “litigation misuse” claim against funders whose support is designed to shutter an outlet. She rejects a ban as “neither realistic nor constitutionally palatable.” Levi ↗
  • 2021–22
    In Alan Dershowitz’s $300 million defamation suit against CNN, Magistrate Judge Patrick Hunt orders him to disclose who is behind the “Alan Dershowitz Legal Defense Fund” after he refuses at deposition. CNN’s argument, which the court credited: if funders are backing the suit to advance a political or competitive agenda, that “dramatically undercuts” the claim that the plaintiff is seeking to repair his reputation. Freedom of the Press Foundation ↗
  • 2026
    The precedent is a patchwork. The Dershowitz order shows judges can order disclosure when a defendant asks and a judge agrees. It also shows why that is not enough: it took a deposition slip, a motion, and a judge willing to act. In most speech suits, the defendant never learns who is paying, because the question is never asked in a form a court must answer.

Who controls the case

The funder is supposed to be a passenger. Sysco showed it can grab the wheel.

The industry’s standard assurance is that funders do not control litigation: the plaintiff and its lawyers decide strategy and settlement. The Sysco dispute tested that assurance in public. Burford Capital had invested $140 million since 2019 to back Sysco’s price-fixing claims against meat suppliers. When Sysco agreed in 2022 to settle with Pilgrim’s Pride for $50 million, Burford considered the number too low and won an order barring Sysco from completing the settlement. The two sides sued each other in March 2023; by June, Sysco had transferred its claims to a Burford affiliate, Carina Ventures, which carried them on. In February 2026 the Seventh Circuit ruled for the Burford affiliate that the $50 million email deal was never final. Reuters, Mar. 2023 ↗ · Reuters, Jun. 2023 ↗ · Reuters, Feb. 2026 ↗

None of this involved speech. All of it matters for speech. If a funder can block a settlement in an antitrust case, a funder can block a settlement in a defamation case — and a speaker sued by a plaintiff who wants to settle may find the case continues anyway, because someone the speaker has never met is not finished with them. Several states have now written funder-control prohibitions into law for exactly this reason (see the disclosure fight).

Sovereign money in American courts

A foreign government can fund a lawsuit against an American, and no one has to tell the judge.

This is not hypothetical. In 2024 a subsidiary of Mubadala Investment Company — the sovereign wealth fund of Abu Dhabi — acquired a majority stake in Fortress Investment Group, one of the largest litigation funders operating in the United States. Nothing in federal law required Fortress-funded plaintiffs to disclose that a foreign state now sat behind their cases. That fact is the origin of the one TPLF bill that has actually cleared a congressional committee.

H.R. 2675 · 119th Congress

Protecting Our Courts from Foreign Manipulation Act

  • Introduced by Rep. Ben Cline (R-VA) on April 7, 2025, with Rep. Tim Moore and others.
  • Bans litigation funding by foreign states and sovereign wealth funds outright.
  • Requires disclosure of any other foreign funder to the parties, the court, and the Attorney General.
  • Violations: dismissal with prejudice.
  • Reported by House Judiciary 15–11 on November 18, 2025; written report filed and bill placed on the Union Calendar (No. 608) on June 15, 2026. It awaits floor time.

Congress.gov ↗ · CBO cost estimate ↗ · Sponsor statement ↗

The Senate companion

Reintroduced by Sen. John Kennedy (R-LA), November 2025

  • Same structure: ban on sovereign funding, disclosure of foreign funders, sanctions for concealment.
  • The sponsor’s framing is national security — foreign adversaries using U.S. courts to extract trade secrets and burden domestic industry.
  • Restore the First’s framing is narrower and adds a speech dimension: a foreign state that cannot prosecute an American for speech at home can, today, fund an American plaintiff to sue that speaker here, invisibly.

Kennedy press release ↗

Why this bill first. Of the six federal TPLF bills we track, H.R. 2675 is the only one that has been reported out of committee. It is bipartisan enough to have drawn 15 votes; it is narrow enough that the funders’ trade association has focused its fire elsewhere. It is the ask we make on the action page: bring it to the floor.

The disclosure fight · twelve years and counting

Three places a disclosure rule could come from. Only one has delivered.

1 · The federal rules committee

On the agenda since 2014. No rule.

A proposal to amend Rule 26 to require TPLF disclosure has been before the Advisory Committee on Civil Rules since mid-2014. A dedicated TPLF Subcommittee was formed in October 2024. As of the May 2026 agenda book, the committee had proposed no rule and was awaiting a Federal Judicial Center study of the District of New Jersey’s local rule. On September 14, 2026, 214 companies — including Amazon, Google, Microsoft, Meta, Ford, ExxonMobil, OpenAI, and Anthropic — wrote to urge a Rule 26(a)(1)(A) amendment. Agenda book ↗ · IPWatchdog ↗

2 · Congress

Six bills. One out of committee.

H.R. 1109 (Issa): marked up November 19, 2025, never reported. H.R. 7015 (Issa): debated January 13, 2026 without a vote after Reps. Massie, Roy, and Kiley objected that it was “overly broad” and would “deter investments in legitimate claims.” S. 3826 (Grassley, Tillis, Kennedy, Cornyn): filed February 11, 2026, limited to class actions and MDLs, with a nonprofit carve-out added after America First Legal objected. S. 1821 (Tillis): a tax on funder profits at the top individual rate plus 3.8 points — 40.8% today — stripped from the 2025 reconciliation bill. H.R. 2675: reported 15–11. Reuters ↗ · Reuters ↗ · S. 1821 text ↗

3 · The states

Eight states have acted. Wisconsin first.

Wisconsin required automatic disclosure of funding agreements in 2018. West Virginia, Indiana, Montana, Louisiana, Kansas, and Oklahoma followed; Georgia’s 2025 law requires funders to register with the state and makes failure to register a felony. Several states now prohibit funder control of case decisions. Six states enacted or amended TPLF laws in 2025 alone. Eight-state summary ↗ · 2025 patchwork ↗ · Delaware standing order, 2022 ↗

The gap, in one sentence. A speaker sued in federal court, under a federal claim or in diversity, has no right to learn who is funding the case against them unless the judge happens to order it. That gap has been on the rules committee’s agenda for twelve years.

Abroad · the United Kingdom and Europe

Britain is about to regulate funders. Europe is failing to transpose its anti-SLAPP directive. Both matter to Americans.

UK · funding

From PACCAR to a regulator

  • July 2023: the UK Supreme Court’s PACCAR decision rendered many funding agreements unenforceable as unregulated damages-based agreements.
  • June 2, 2025: the Civil Justice Council’s final review — 58 recommendations — urged reversing PACCAR and introducing light-touch statutory regulation of funders. CJC report ↗
  • January 2026: the government announced it would legislate to reverse PACCAR and regulate the sector. White & Case ↗
  • Why Americans should watch: London is the other great litigation-finance capital, and the same funders operate in both.

UK & EU · SLAPPs

Anti-SLAPP law that covers almost nothing

  • The UK’s only anti-SLAPP provisions — ss. 194–195 of the Economic Crime and Corporate Transparency Act 2023 — apply only to claims connected to economic crime. A SLAPP over health, science, or political speech is untouched. s. 195 ↗
  • Two private members’ bills to close the gap were introduced in June 2026 (Baroness Stowell in the Lords, June 16; Sir John Whittingdale in the Commons, June 17, debate scheduled for November). Commons Library ↗
  • The Solicitors Regulation Authority’s SLAPP warning notice (updated May 31, 2024) puts the burden on lawyers not to bring abusive claims. SRA ↗
  • The EU Anti-SLAPP Directive (2024/1069) had a transposition deadline of May 7, 2026. Seven of 26 member states met it. EAPIL ↗

Why the UK gap matters to this coalition specifically: the ex parte arrest application described in the due-process case study was made in a UK criminal proceeding. Britain’s anti-SLAPP law, as written, has nothing to say about it.

The other side of the argument

What the funders say, and where they have a point.

The International Legal Finance Association, the industry’s trade body, opposes forced disclosure on four grounds: it would expose litigants’ legal strategy; it would “tilt the legal system toward the biggest corporate players”; courts already have authority to order disclosure when relevant, and in “the overwhelming majority of cases” have found funding agreements irrelevant to the merits; and the real beneficiaries would be “Big Tech” and “Big Insurance” defendants. ILFA statement ↗

Three of those four points are fair. Litigation finance does let inventors and small businesses sue companies that can outspend them; the loudest voices for disclosure include the companies most often sued; and a blanket public-disclosure rule could hand defendants a strategic map. Reps. Massie and Roy made a version of this argument from the right in January 2026, and America First Legal’s objection to S. 3826 — that disclosure could be used to unmask the donors of nonprofit plaintiffs — is a concern any civil-liberties organization should take seriously.

Where the argument fails is the fourth point. “Courts already can order it” describes a remedy that requires the defendant to know enough to ask, and a judge inclined to grant. In a speech case, the funder’s identity is not a discovery footnote — it is the difference between a plaintiff repairing a reputation and a stranger buying a silence. Disclosure to the court, under seal where warranted, with the judge deciding what the parties see, answers the strategy objection and the donor-privacy objection at once. That is the coalition’s position.

Sources and limits

Market figures come from GAO-23-105210 (2022), the Westfleet Insider 2025 (March 2026), and Burford Capital’s FY2025 results. The $2.8 billion figure is from press coverage of the Westfleet release; the PDF itself states the percentage change and funder count. Bill statuses are from Congress.gov and Reuters as of September 21, 2026. State laws are summarized from secondary trackers linked inline; consult the statutes before relying on them.

No allegation is made that any funder named here has financed any suit against a speaker, except where the funder has said so publicly (Thiel) or a court has ordered disclosure (Dershowitz). The Fortress/Mubadala transaction is cited for what it is: a lawful acquisition that federal law did not require any plaintiff to disclose.