In March 2021 a London nonprofit published a report with a number in it.
The number said twelve people were responsible for up to sixty-five percent of anti-vaccine content on social media. It travelled faster than anything else in the report, because a number is portable in a way an argument is not. Within weeks it was being read from the White House podium. Platforms acted. Twelve Americans became a list, and the list became a citation that other people could use without having to make the case again.
One of the twelve is the founder of GreenMedInfo, a plaintiff in Finn v. Global Engagement Center.
Facebook's own analysts looked at the claim and found the core statistic exaggerated by a factor of at least 1,300.
The report named twelve people. The platforms acted. The number was wrong by three orders of magnitude.
That is the part of this story that is already known, and it is not why we are publishing today. We have spent the past months building something duller and more useful: a public record of every published characterization of those twelve Americans and of GreenMedInfo, 2013 to 2026 — 241 documents, each row linked to its primary source. And the most important findings in it are the ones where we looked for something and did not find it.
Four of those findings correct claims our own side has been making.
Story at a glance
- Facebook's internal analysis found the “Disinformation Dozen” statistic exaggerated by a factor of at least 1,300. The list outlived the number.
- No government payment to the Center for Countering Digital Hate is documented in any jurisdiction we searched. A UK parliamentary written answer is the strongest source for that negative.
- No Gates Foundation grant to CCDH exists in the 41,686 committed grants in the foundation's own database.
- Seven trusts widely named as CCDH funders did not fund CCDH. Their Charity Commission entries are registered mergers, not grants. One of them closed in 2012 — six years before CCDH was incorporated.
- What is documented is proximity, not payment: who incorporated CCDH, which minister pointed the public to its guidance, which government report thanked it one month before the Dozen list, and which of its funders sits on its board.
- The organisation in this chain that is substantially government-funded is not CCDH. It is the Institute for Strategic Dialogue, by its own filing.
- We are publishing our own corrections in the same place as our findings, because a number nobody checked is what did this to us in the first place.
What we built, and why it is boring on purpose
The tracker holds 241 documents. Most of them do not name GreenMedInfo or its founder at all. They cite the list.
That is the mechanism worth seeing. A list, published once, becomes a citation that lets a government agency, a broadcaster, a fact-checker and a platform each act without re-examining the claim underneath. The original number only has to survive long enough to become a reference.
So every row links to its own primary document, and every row carries a severity grade you can disagree with. The point is not to tell you what to conclude. It is to make the chain inspectable, including where it runs out.
The findings where we found nothing
These are ordered from the most defensible to the least.
1. No government payment to CCDH is documented
This is the closest thing here to unassailable, because it rests on a government's own answer. UK written answer 26614, dated 27 January 2025, records that the Department for Science, Innovation and Technology and Ofcom had not provided funding to CCDH in the period addressed.
Beyond that: a search of Contracts Finder returned no UK government contracts or notices naming CCDH. Of the eight grants GrantNav records to CCDH Ltd, every one is from a private foundation and none is from a government funder.
Author's analysis. A negative finding is not proof of absence — it is proof that we looked in the named places and the record was empty. If a government payment exists, it is not in the registers where government payments are recorded, and we would want to see it.
2. No Gates Foundation grant to CCDH
We checked all 41,686 grants in the Gates Foundation's committed-grants database. There is no grant to CCDH.
There is a real Gates adjacency, and it is narrower than what circulates: a Gates-funded Global Citizen series promoted CCDH's chief executive in December 2021. That is a documented promotional relationship with an intermediary. It is not a grant, and it is not evidence that Gates money paid for the Dozen report.
3. Seven trusts did not fund CCDH — the merger misread
Seven named trusts have circulated widely, including in our own earlier work, as disclosed CCDH funders: the STP Ecclestone Foundation, The Genie Trust, the Kohn Foundation, the Edith & Ferdinand Porjes Charitable Trust, The Harbour Charitable Trust, The Vail Foundation and The David Goldman Foundation.
Each appears in the Charity Commission registration history of Prism the Gift Fund under “funds received from.” That phrase does not mean what it looks like. Each entry is a registered merger: the trust transferred its assets to Prism and closed. It is a dissolution record, not a grant record.
The clearest demonstration is chronological. The STP Ecclestone Foundation merged in 2012. CCDH was incorporated in October 2018. A trust that ceased to exist six years earlier did not fund it.
Author's analysis. Call this the merger misread, because it will happen again. A charity register is a legal instrument, not a plain-English document, and “funds received from” in a registration history describes the registrant's own history of absorbing other charities. We got this wrong, several outlets got it wrong, and the error is now the first thing our funder page tells you. We apologise to the seven trusts named.
What is actually in the record
Removing the claims that do not hold leaves a documented record that is narrower and, we think, more serious — because every item is a primary document and none of it requires a payment to exist.
- Who incorporated it. Brixton Endeavours Limited was registered at Companies House on 19 October 2018 with Morgan McSweeney — later Downing Street chief of staff — as sole director, at an address shared with Labour Together.
- A Cabinet minister directed the public to it. Culture Secretary Oliver Dowden said the public “can also all take action now by following these guidelines from the CCDH to tackle fake news.”
- A government report thanked it one month before the Dozen list. “Operating with Impunity,” published by the Commission for Countering Extremism on 24 February 2021, gives special thanks to contributors including CCDH. The Dozen report followed in March.
- Officials asked it what should be in a ministerial brief. A Department for Science, Innovation and Technology email chain spanning 25 September to 8 November 2024 shows government staff asking CCDH what should be discussed, and framing language that appears verbatim in the resulting brief.
- A funder sits on the board. CCDH director Sarah (Ayesha) Saran is Director of Programmes & Learning at the Barrow Cadbury Trust, a CCDH funder — £75,000 in FY2024.
- The government-funded node is ISD, not CCDH. ISD UK reported £2,957,283 of government and multilateral income in 2024, 48.27% of its total, and its own funders page names the US State Department.
Author's analysis. Proximity is not payment, and we will not pretend otherwise. None of the above is a contract. What it describes is an organisation operating close enough to government that ministers cited its guidance and officials asked it to shape a brief — while, on the record, not being paid by them. That is a harder thing to talk about than a payment, and it is what the documents support.
What this is not
Building the firewall before anyone lights the match:
- This is not a claim that CCDH is a government agency, a state contractor, or a foreign agent. A private law firm asked the Department of Justice to investigate whether CCDH's entities must register under FARA in October 2024. No investigation has been announced, and CCDH is not FARA-registered. That is the whole of the record.
- This is not a claim that the Gates Foundation funded the Disinformation Dozen report. We checked 41,686 grants and found nothing.
- This is not an accusation against the seven trusts. It is the opposite: the claim against them does not hold, and we helped circulate it.
- This is not a claim that funding explains the characterizations. A grant to an organisation is not evidence that the grant paid for anything the organisation published. Our funder directory says so on its face, and our influence map now enforces it.
Our own corrections
Four errors of ours are now logged in the tracker's correction log, which is public and dated:
- We listed the seven Prism-merged trusts as disclosed CCDH funders. They are mergers, not grants.
- We stated that no payment from the Arabella network to CCDH had been traced. A tax-filed Hopewell Fund grant from 2021 is recorded in the directory.
- We counted that same grant twice, once under each of its two labels, inflating our own total.
- We described a count of grant entries as a count of funders. Repeat grants from one organisation are separate entries, not separate organisations.
We also corrected a rounded figure to the exact amount in the filing it came from, which moved one of our totals by $245. A $245 error in a nine-figure context is trivial in every way except the one that matters: two of our own pages were showing different numbers, and that is the cheapest possible way to lose an argument.
How this was checked, and what that is worth
Every funding row in the directory was compiled by an AI research assistant working against named primary sources — Form 990s, Charity Commission filings, Companies House records, government registers and funders' own grant databases — and every row carries a link to the document it came from. None of those rows yet carries a second, human reviewer. We are saying so here rather than letting you discover it.
That is why the design of the thing matters more than our assurances about it. You do not have to trust the compiler. Each row names its document, and the documents are public. Where a widely published claim could not be substantiated, the page says so and keeps the row visible under “checked and not substantiated,” rather than quietly deleting it.
Corrections are welcome and will be logged with a date: coalition@restorethe1st.com.
Why publish the findings that weaken our own case
Because a number that nobody checked is what did this to us.
Twelve people were named on the strength of a statistic that the largest platform in the world internally found to be wrong by a factor of at least 1,300, and no institution that acted on it went back to check. The injury was not primarily that someone lied. It was that a citable claim moved faster than anyone's willingness to verify it.
If our answer to that is a mirror image — a funding web with a famous billionaire at the centre, seven trusts that never gave a penny, and a total inflated by a grant we counted twice — then we have not built a record. We have built the same instrument and pointed it the other way.
So the seven trusts are exonerated on our page. The Gates row says no grant found in 41,686 checked. The government row says no payment documented, and cites the government's own answer. What survives that treatment is worth something precisely because it survived it.
The record is public. So is the funder directory. Every row links to its document. Check us.